DW: Mr. Kamberi, the coalition of Albanians in the Presevo Valley, won two mandates in Serbia’s Assembly, though he could win the third term. Are you satisfied with this result and with the participation of Albanians in the elections? How much did the unification of Albanian parties affect a common list, and what could otherwise have been done to achieve a better outcome?
Shaip Kamberi: The two mandates won are a result that enables us to continue the political representation of Albanians in Serbia’s Parliament. However, the fact that we were close to the third term indicates that there was potential for an even better outcome. Therefore, we should evaluate the outcome with responsibility, not underestimateing what we have accomplished, but also avoiding opportunities that we have not taken full advantage of.
Joining eight Albanian parties on a joint list was an important political step. He testified that, beyond our differences and differences, we can agree on common interests. This union allowed us to focus on votes and present a common political platform. As for participation, we need to carefully analyze the results achieved and see the potential not used, always in view of the consequences of making a follow – up address that has paid off a considerable number of our citizens. What could be done otherwise is an even greater civic mobilization and better involvement of Albanians living outside the Valley. The Union should be not only an election agreement, but a stable political process that continues even after the elections.
DW: Albanians of the Presevo Valley have appeared less involved in the student protests of the past two years than some other communities in Serbia. What meaning does the result of the Student List have for Albanians, and do you share the expectations for change that this development has raised in a part of Serbian society?
Shaip Kamberi: Political developments in Serbia also matter to Albanians, because we live in this state and the decisions of its institutions directly affect our lives. Therefore, any development that opens up opportunities for more democracy, institutional responsibility and rule of law, closer to the EU, and especially the defined secession with the political platforms of the 1990s, deserves to be followed closely.
Student protests have articulated requirements related to the functioning of institutions, public responsibility and law enforcement. These are issues of importance to Albanians, who for decades demand that the stated principles of equality and of the rule of law be applied even in practice, those that have been ignored by official Belgrade even though we have four signed agreements.
However, the gap should be made between the demand for overall political change and the concrete change in the position of a national community. A more democratic Serbia certainly creates opportunities for improvement, but that does not automatically mean that Albanian problems will be resolved.
For us, the change will become tangible when equality remains not only a constitutional principle but to be seen in education, employment, institutional representation, official use of Albanian and national symbol, recognition of diplomas and elimination of discriminatory practices, especially the break of passiveisation and elimination of its consequences. These are the criteria with which we will assess any political change in Serbia.
DW: According to you, what factors contributed most to the weakening of support for Aleksandar Vucinqi’s political camp, and what might this mean for the country’s political future?
Kamberi: This development should be seen in the context of broader discontent with the way power functions in Serbia. When citizens see that institutions do not provide sufficient responsibility, that control of power is weak and that criticism is often treated as opposition to the state, and that is then diagnosed with the proclamation of imaginary enemies, there is a distance between citizens and governance.
Student protests have made this discontent more evident and have shown that a part of Serbian society requires another model of functioning of the state. However, it would be premature to interpret any discontent with power as a completed political change. What matters is whether civic demands will be turned into more functional institutions, political responsibilities and reliable alternatives, especially if this election result is used to speed up the road, I would have wanted, Serbia’s Euro-Atlantic.
For Albanians, it is important that change is not limited to changing people in power. We have our historical experience and we know that changing governments does not automatically guarantee changing policies towards national minorities. In the 36 years of the multiparty system in Serbia, we have seen different political options, but none of them, in fact, has testified to affirmative policies against national minorities.
Therefore, the fundamental question about Serbia’s future is not only who will govern the country, but whether it will change the way power is exercised and whether institutions will treat all citizens with equal standards. The importance of any political change will be measured here. This is important for minorities. It’s also important for Albanians. But of the same importance is to Serbia’s own future. We will have progress, or recycling old political platforms, is the point of the issue.
DW: Student protests have also active members of the Bosniak community, which has created the impression of a greater approach among young people from different ethnic communities. Have you had contact with representatives of the Student List and do you think this approach can happen with Albanians?
Kamberi: The approach among young people from different communities is a development to be encouraged. The fact that people with different national affiliations can unite about demands for democracy, justice and institutional responsibility proves that there is room for overcoming prejudices and inherited divisions.
But real rapprochement cannot be built only on participation in protests or on general demands. It also requires willingness to understand the specific problems facing non-communities.
Albanians in the Presevo Valley have a special experience with Serbia’s institutions. For this reason, we cannot expect our issues to be resolved automatically through a general political change. Direct dialogue and readiness are needed to discuss problems that for years await solutions.
As far as contacts are concerned with representatives of the Student List, the importance is for political communication to develop on a concrete basis and continue beyond public statements. I would not rule out such cooperation. If there is readiness for serious dialogue and for addressing our demands, there is room to build a new political relationship.
Living together does not require that everyone think the same way. It requires that differences not change into inequality and that anyone’s rights depend on national affiliation.
DW: The Student List includes representatives with different political beliefs and attitudes. Do you see on this space subject a new approach to Albanians in the Presevo Valley? What would convince you that this list is ready to deal seriously with the demands of Albanians?
Kamberi: It would not be correct for me to judge the Student List only by its composition or by the fact that there are people with different political beliefs. It should be praised for its attitudes and, especially, the policies it is willing to support.
The statement that a democratic and equal Serbia is targeted for all is a starting point, but is not enough. Even Albanians have been hearing statements about equality, integration and respect of rights for many years, while many of our problems continue to remain unresolved.
What would convince us is the willingness to discuss specifically the 7-point Plan, which sums up our political demands. It includes issues related to institutional discrimination, equipment of residential addresses, fair representation in state institutions, education, official use of Albanian language and writing, recognition of diplomas and economic development of the Valley. We seek readiness for serious dialogue, recognition of problems and political will to build viable solutions.
For me, this is the difference between a new approach and the continuation of old policies. The new approach is measured not only by the way the Albanians are spoken of, but by the willingness to treat them as full-fledged citizens and as legitimate political partners.
For decades, the approach of Serbia’s institutions to the Albanian political requirements has been marked by efforts to differentiate them and separate them into different categories, labeling some as honest Albanians and others as separatists.
The agreement of eight Albanian political subjects for joint participation in parliamentary elections testifies that political differences do not diminish our ability to unite about common interests. This unity should serve as an opportunity for a new approach based on dialogue, mutual respect and recognition of our legitimate requirements.
It is time for Albanians to be treated as equal citizens, without prejudice and without imposed divisions, while their issues are addressed through institutional solutions and in line with democratic standards.
DW: Student List representatives claim they target an equal Serbia for all citizens. What concrete steps must be taken to turn this statement into politics and tangible results for Albanians in the Presevo Valley? What are the most urgent issues Serbia’s future government must address to ensure equality and build Albanians’ trust in state institutions?
Kamberi: If the declaration of an equal Serbia for all citizens is a serious political platform, it should translate into concrete decisions and into mechanisms guaranteeing their implementation. For Albanians in the Presevo Valley, this is not an abstract issue, but a problem related to daily life, the prospect of youth and trust in institutions.
First, the question of making residence addresses must be considered. This practice raises serious concerns about citizens’ rights and the possibility of effective exercise. We were also penalised by the procedure. Transparency, individual examination of cases and effective prosecution opportunities are needed, in accordance with the law.
Fair representation of Albanians in state institutions should be provided, especially in police, judiciary, administration and public services. Equality cannot be measured not only by what the law says, but also by the real presence of Albanians in institutions that make decisions and offer services.
The obstacles in education must be resolved, including recognition of diplomas won in Kosovo and obtaining textbooks in Albanian.
Official use of Albanian language and writing, as well as the use of national symbols in line with relevant legal standards, should be addressed as issues of guaranteed rights, not as political favours.
The valley needs concrete development policies: investments, jobs, infrastructure and opportunities for young people to build the future in their homeland. All of these are achieved with special development funds. For these issues we have proposed a succinct platform on the 7-point Plan (political document and platform for emergency measures, adopted in March 2013 by representatives and the Assembly of Albanian Councillors of the Presevo Valley v.j.). It should serve as the basis for dialogue with the future government and with all political forces claiming to build a democratic state.
Faith cannot be required by mere declaration. It is won when citizens see institutions listen to them, treat them with dignity, and solve their problems. For Albanians, the test of an equal Serbia will be the implementation of equality in practice.
DW: How do you assess the approach of the Student List to Kosovo, Albanians and regional co-operation? What do you expect from its representatives in this regard and what would be your message to them, if they really want to build a Serbia with better relations with neighbours and with non-US communities?
Kamberi: Relations with Kosovo and with Albanians in the region are an important indicator of Serbia’s readiness to build stable relations with neighbours and overcome past conflicts.
For the Student List and for any new political force in Serbia, the issue should be not only if it wants better relations with neighbours, but also what principles it intends to build them on. Lasting relations cannot be built on denial of political realities, national stereotypes or the idea that problems can be solved by avoiding them.
For us, it is important that Kosovo be treated as a partner with whom normal relations should be built, through dialogue, mutual respect and implementation of agreements. It is equally important that Albanians living in Serbia be seen, not as second-hand issues, but as citizens with guaranteed rights and legitimate demands for equality.
I would expect representatives of the Student List to show that the democracy for which they engage within Serbia also applies to the way the state treats Albanians and other non-US communities. We cannot seek democratic standards for ourselves and be indifferent to their lack of to others. Double standard policy must be over.
My message to them would be simple: if you target a democratic, responsible and better regional Serbia, then include the issue of Albanians in the Presevo Valley in your vision of change.
We are ready for dialogue and co-operation, but not for symbolic co-operation. We want him to rely on principles, concrete commitments, and measurable results. The 7-point plan could be a basis for this dialogue. Government posts don’t seduce us. We have witnessed 36 years of persistence in these principles.
DW: However, if you were offered the opportunity to become part of Serbia’s government or any state institution, would you consider such an option?
Kamberi: To me, this issue is not new and my attitude is clear. I have not entered into politics to secure a government post, nor do I view participation in government as a goal in itself.
During the three parliamentary mandates, my commitment has been to represent Albanians and raise their issues in Serbia’s institutions. I have believed that political representation only makes sense if used to look for solutions to the problems of citizens, even when these demands do not fit the parliamentary majority. But every time I talk about the possibility of Albanian involvement in government, I never think of myself.
Therefore, I would not reduce the question of whether we would accept a post, but what would have to change politically and institutionally so that such participation would make sense.
We are not interested in a post that would serve only as evidence of the virtual involvement of Albanians in the government, while their political demands would remain intact. Presentation without real impact on decision-making is at risk of becoming a decor. See what happened to the lists of some minorities, which for years served the Vuciki regime.
Our priority is to implement the Albanian political requirements, outlined in the 7-point Plan, rather than secure government posts. Any political co-operation should be assessed in proportion to this goal.
I do not exclude dialogue with political forces aimed at democratic changes. But if we talk about co-operation, it should be built on a programme, on mutual responsibilities and on willingness to seriously address our demands.
Shaip Kamberi is a graduate lawyer. For many years he has worked as a journalist and human rights activist. First of all, it is from Bunanoc’s Great Turner, the largest village in Serbia, located in the Presevo Valley or southern Serbia. He was an MP for several warrants.
Source Layer: RTKLive
